Germany Must Show That It Is Not a Free Rider
A version of this article was first published by Zeit Online in German.
America is frustrated: Germany is not facing the strategic realities of the autocrats. That should change—regardless of whether the president is called Biden or Trump.
With polls showing Joe Biden pulling away from Donald Trump, many Europeans may be tempted to believe that American politics will return to normal once President Trump departs the stage. This is a misguided assessment.
The America of 2020 is fundamentally different than the country that Donald Trump inherited four years ago from Barack Obama. Even a Biden presidency will not be able to completely reverse the trends that Trump has set in motion.
It was not that long ago that the mere mention of Chancellor Merkel at a rally by President Trump elicited boos from the thousands of Trump supporters in attendance. Germany has become a political punching bag for a segment of the American public in a way that has not been seen in the United States since the jingoistic German-bashing during World Wars I and II.
The view of Germany as a free rider that is not willing to tackle the strategic challenges of the twenty-first century is also taking hold across the American political landscape. From Republican Senators like Ted Cruz and Tom Cotton to Democrats frustrated with Germany’s insistence on proceeding with Nordstream 2, the critique is the same—Berlin needs to put its values before its economic interests.
This changing perception of Germany comes as America is distracted, a distraction that is unlikely to change for years to come. Even prior to the killing of George Floyd, Americans were debating their domestic differences rather than uniting around common external challenges.
When it comes to foreign policy, polls show significant differences in priorities between Republicans and Democrats. Some challenges, such as China and Russia, are likely to unite the left and right, but they are the exception, not the norm.
Even as American divisiveness is reaching new levels, the international environment is much more complex than it was a decade ago. A rising China has threatened American preeminence and domestic challenges are causing despair about America’s ability to achieve successes on the international stage.
The few areas of bipartisan consensus in U.S. foreign policy conflict with Germany’s economic interests. The Democratic Party is tougher on China than when Barack Obama left office. It is also perhaps even more anti-Kremlin than at any moment in modern American history, united by a belief that Vladimir Putin may have helped Trump win the White House. Despite Donald Trump, Republican members of Congress have not abandoned their distrust of Putin’s Russia.
A Biden administration, while it will pursue a more ally-friendly approach to collaboration, will likely expect partners to do their part and make tough choices. If it does not, it will face accusations from Republicans that Democrats are favoring the interests of European elites over hard working Americans. If Germany remains unwilling to adapt to the new strategic realities posed by authoritarians from Beijing to Moscow, it will be difficult for a Biden administration to defend a reset with Berlin and Germany may lose the support of those Republicans in Congress who have continued to defend the importance of the German-American alliance despite Trump’s attacks.
As Germany enters its own year of choices regarding its political future, German leaders will need to decide how to balance vested economic interests and a fundamentally cautious approach to global affairs with the desire to respond positively to Washington.
During this uncertain period, partners that succeed in garnering America's support will be those that are bold, confident, and assertive. It is why France under Macron’s leadership has fared better than Germany’s fortunes during the Trump administration.
Rather than waiting for a new list of American requests after the election, German policymakers should take the initiative.
What will Germany finally be willing to do on burden sharing within NATO? How can Germany assist the people of Hong Kong or respond to modern day genocide in Xinjiang? What is Germany’s plan to disentangle its economy from an increasingly aggressive China? How can Germany continue to justify economic cooperation with the Kremlin while Putin helps Lukashenko cling to power in Belarus, undermines democracies in Europe, and tries to assassinate his political opponents?
Writing in his memoirs about his first trip to the United States in 1953, Chancellor Adenauer noted that “the people of the United States recognized, as had hardly any other people before, the enormous extent of the responsibility to bear as leaders of mankind, and as the protectors of all human ideals.”
Americans are questioning the need to continue bearing this burden. The United States of 2020 needs confident allies and partners willing to help protect and advance the ideals we share as democracies.
The onus will be on Chancellor Merkel and her successor to make the case to not just a potential Biden administration, but to a skeptical American public that Germany is such a partner.