Cooperation on the Pandemic Is the First Step Toward Revitalizing Transatlantic Relations

Despite early hopes that the United States and Europe could act as role models in the current health crisis, thus showcasing the superiority of the liberal democratic model of governance vis-à-vis authoritarian systems, such hopes have since been dashed. The United States and Europe have largely failed at containing the coronavirus, while the former has done so in a more egregious and self-inflicted fashion. Luckily, other role models for competent democratic governance have emerged, such as South Korea, Taiwan, Japan, or New Zealand, and all countries should learn from their example.

But with one opportunity missed, a new one dawns. The current crisis still suffers from a global leadership vacuum. With Joe Biden set to enter the White House on January 20, the United States and Europe have a historic opportunity to marshal international cooperation and lead a global response to the coronavirus crisis. At the same time, such a collective effort would be the first step toward rebuilding a severely weakened transatlantic relationship.

Transatlantic Cooperation Lacking, EU Aids Multilateralism  

There has been little to no transatlantic cooperation during the current coronavirus crisis. For the most part, this can be seen as a direct result of the Trump administration’s lack of interest in coordinating action domestically, much less internationally. Perhaps the most stunning example of the federal government’s unwillingness to coordinate state-level responses was when it refused to use its logistical capacity and massive purchasing power to manage the PPE supply chain, which led to states bidding against one another on the open market and driving up the price of medical equipment. In its communications with the public, the administration has consistently downplayed the severity of the virus and given mixed health messaging, for instance on the topic of wearing masks. This has led not only to confusion, but also to a consistent partisan divide concerning threat perceptions of the virus. Essentially, the Trump administration has abdicated all responsibility for the virus and its fallout, while it has left the states to respond to the virus themselves.

The U.S. federal government’s abandonment of virus-containment measures at home has rendered the very idea of international cooperation moot, which partly explains why there have still not been any high-level meetings between U.S. and European officials concerning the pandemic. It also did not help that one of the administration’s first policies aimed at containing the virus consisted of a ban on all incoming travel from Europe without first consulting European leaders. The ban, itself of questionable medical value, was unsurprisingly met with universal condemnation in Europe, while it led to widespread chaos at airports, likely spreading the virus further. This policy set the initial tone for transatlantic cooperation in the weeks and months to come.

Europe, for its part, has been quietly trudging along on a number of multilateral initiatives in the absence of its American partner. Perhaps most significantly, the EU hosted a pledging event in May that raised €15.9 billion for global coronavirus response efforts and it eventually joined the COVAX vaccine facility sponsored by the World Health Organization (WHO). COVAX is the most promising global effort to provide equitable access to vaccines, and it is significant that both the EU and various EU member states have provided it with generous funding and have even re-upped their commitments. In addition, many European states have been involved in continuing deliberations within the newly created Alliance for Multilateralism, an initiative spearheaded by the foreign ministries of Germany and France. This global network of states has been meeting regularly, and it recently published a strong declaration on the need for WHO reform. However, its multilateral efforts notwithstanding, Europe has not been able to achieve robust cooperation in forums it shares with the United States.

In the traditional venues of global governance, states have not been able to agree on meaningful responses, at least partially as a result of U.S. obstructionism. Aside from its shocking decision to withdraw from the WHO in the middle of a pandemic, the U.S. has also prevented cooperation in forums such as the G7. At its first emergency meeting in March, G7 foreign ministers were not able to agree on a joint statement because Secretary of State Pompeo insisted on calling the coronavirus the “Wuhan virus.” Then, in May, President Trump postponed the next G7 meeting indefinitely, while calling for Russia to be readmitted to the group. Unsurprisingly, the G20’s performance has been similarly lackluster. Transatlantic coordination and joint statements at the G7 and G20 should be low-hanging fruit. For more difficult feats of cooperation, such as in the UN Security Council, hopes were dashed from the start, as its efforts became an early victim to geopolitical wrangling between the U.S. and China.

Steps Toward Coronavirus Cooperation

The upshot of transatlantic relations being at their lowest point in history is that even the smallest feats of cooperation will now appear as significant achievements. While this may help to ensure quick symbolic victories, it is important that outward appearances do not take the place of substantial and continued efforts to deepen transatlantic cooperation and to galvanize international cooperation on the pandemic. Fortunately, Joe Biden and Kamala Harris have singled out the fight against the coronavirus as their top priority, while also emphasizing the importance of rebuilding U.S alliances. Thus, the window of opportunity could not be wider: Europe and the new U.S. administration should take immediate steps to cooperate on the pandemic because it is the quickest, easiest and best way to begin to revitalize the transatlantic relationship and because the current crisis is in dire need of global leadership.

As a first step, the U.S. and the EU should hold a high-level summit of heads of state shortly after President-elect Biden’s inauguration. Beyond its great symbolic value, this meeting would serve to set the agenda for further cooperation. More specifically, leaders should double down on the use of the G7 and G20 formats to coordinate global action. These venues have proved themselves useful in past crises and should be given the chance to do so again. Leaders should also agree to create a cabinet-level task force made up of American and European officials, whose goal would be to monitor progress on joint actions and identity further areas for cooperation. Examples of issues of common concern include PPE supply chain management, medical research and development, and harmonized rules for testing and quarantine. As a last point, NATO should be given full political and financial backing for its efforts to respond to the pandemic. In the crisis, it has provided medical and logistical support to NATO allies through its Euro Atlantic Disaster Response Coordination Centre.

Beyond this initial push for greater transatlantic cooperation, the Biden administration should also take a number of steps on its own to show America’s recommitment to multilateralism. Most importantly, it should join the WHO-sponsored COVAX facility, which it could announce on its first day in office along with its decision to rejoin the WHO. The U.S. should join COVAX not only because it is the right thing to do, but because it is in its own interest. Not only will the U.S. gain early access to a diverse set of vaccines in the COVAX portfolio, but its contribution will help to end the pandemic quicker, thus preventing further spread of the disease and leading to an earlier recovery of the global economy. Joining COVAX will also deny states such as China, which only joined recently, a propaganda victory in pointing out apparent U.S. disregard for humanitarian efforts. The Biden administration should also start a diplomatic push in the UN Security Council to pass a resolution on fighting the coronavirus, similar to its resolution passed in 2014 to fight Ebola. With the force of international law, such a resolution would mobilize and focus all of the UN’s resources and provide a coordinating mechanism for the world’s most powerful countries.

In the medium-term, it is essential that the U.S. and Europe join forces to reform the WHO as the only organization in the world with the authority to address cross-border health threats. Many of its failings in the current crisis, of which there are many, do not boil down to incompetence or bias on the part of WHO staff, but to structural weaknesses in the WHO’s constitution. Quite simply, the WHO requires more permanent funding and greater authority to sanction members for non-compliance. Reform efforts will not be easy, but they are strictly necessary to improve the global health architecture for the next crisis.

This set of recommendations only scratches the surface of what is possible with a new U.S. administration that is committed to science-backed responses to the coronavirus, the strengthening of U.S. alliances, and the promotion of international cooperation. With the election of Joe Biden, there is a golden opportunity for the United States and Europe to work together to fight the pandemic as way to revitalize the transatlantic alliance, as well as to provide global leadership during the gravest crisis of our time.