Shakeup in Wartime Ukraine Consolidates Power in the President’s Office

This week, the Ukrainian government carried out its most sweeping reshuffle since the 2022 launch of Russia’s full-scale invasion, including several personnel moves that seem to further empower the President’s Office at the expense of constitutional governance. The changes include the resignation of six ministers, the dismissal of the head of a critical state enterprise, and several changes within the President’s Office.

The Ukrainian government did not communicate clear reasons for these key personnel changes. The President’s Office also did not provide enough time for true consultation with the Verkhovna Rada, which must approve such decisions under the Ukrainian constitution.

The most prominent official to step down is Foreign Minister Dmytro Kuleba. One former top Ukrainian official suggests that Kuleba had a conflict with Andrii Yermak, the head of the President’s Office. People close the President’s Office claim that Kuleba—who has been seen around the world as the face of wartime diplomacy—has done little in the past year beyond promoting his new book. These are not serious explanations befitting a serious decision. The lack of transparency around the rationale for these changes weighs upon public trust in the management of state institutions and leaves international partners feeling uneasy about Ukrainian governance. 

Following the resignation of Dmytro Kuleba, the Verkhovna Rada swiftly appointed Andrii Sybiha as the new minister of foreign affairs. Like many others during this wave of appointments, Sybiha previously held the role of deputy to Andrii Yermak in the President’s Office. His transition into this key diplomatic role signals further consolidation of informal power in the unelected hands of Yermak and his people.

All the Presidential Office’s Men and Women

The ministers who are leaving their posts in the Ukrainian government include Kuleba, Minister of Environmental Protection Ruslan Strilets, Minister of Justice Denys Maliuska, Minister of Strategic Industries Oleksandr Kamyshin, Minister for Reintegration of Temporarily Occupied Territories Iryna Vereshchuk, and Deputy Prime Minister for European and Euro-Atlantic Integration Olga Stefanishyna (she has replaced Denys Maliuska as minister of justice while retaining her position as vice prime minister for European and Euro-Atlantic integration). In addition to significant changes in the Cabinet of Ministers, Rostyslav Shurma, deputy head of the President's Office responsible for the economic sector, also lost his position.

Some of the personnel changes appear to have been driven by idiosyncratic factors rather than systematic power concentration. Although no official reason was given for the dismissal of Rostyslav Shurma, the most commonly cited explanation is that there was pressure from international partners due to concerns about his reputation. Civil society actors have long expressed distrust toward Shurma due to suspicions of potential conflicts of interest and undue influence on state processes. Investigative journalists have reported that solar power plants owned by his brother—even those located in temporarily Russian-occupied territories—were receiving funds under the “green tariff” scheme. Shurma stated that the reasons for his dismissal go beyond Ukraine, which is fueling speculation that international partners pushed for it.

The most likely successor to Shurma in the President’s Office is Oleksandr Kamyshin, who resigned as the head of the Ministry of Strategic Industries after little more than a year in the position. In a political system that is governed in accordance with its constitutional framework, a move from the job of minister to that of deputy head of the President’s Office would not be seen as a promotion—as it is in today’s Ukraine. Iryna Vereshchuk, the deputy prime minister and minister for reintegration of temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine, is also expected to transition to the President’s Office.

Another major personnel change in the Ukrainian government is the resignation of Minister of Justice Denys Maliuska. Though they sent him off with applause, the Verkhovna Rada supported his dismissal with 249 votes. The decision was accompanied by a rhetorical question from MP Yaroslav Zhelezniak: “If everyone is applauding, why are they dismissing him?”

Parliament Diminished to a Rubber Stamp

Another opposition MP, Ivanna Klympush-Tsintsadze, warns, “All the actions of the current authorities speak of the systematic centralization of power by the president and his office. This flurry of resignations from government officials now speaks to a severe governance crisis in the country.”

In theory, the Parliament and the prime minister are supposed to decide which officials run the Ukrainian government. The constitution and relevant legislation require that appointments and dismissals of most ministers be submitted by the prime minister and approved by the Verkhovna Rada. The president is empowered to submitonly the prime minister and the ministers of defense and foreign affairs for Parliament’s approval. 

In practice, however, recent governmental personnel changes have indicated a loss of agency for Parliament. Real power is concentrated in the President’s Office, which makes decisions and informs the parliamentary factions a day or two before the vote. The fact that just one day is enough to dismiss the heads of key ministries shows that no significant discussions are taking place even within the ruling coalition.

The same happened when Minister for Restoration Oleksandr Kubrakov was dismissed in May. Despite its critical areas of responsibility, his former ministry has now been without a head for four months. This suggests that MPs made the decision to dismiss Kubrakov without discussing who would lead this crucial ministry during the war.

This trend creates the impression that, despite its constitutionally established role, Parliament has been playing only a nominal role in making such important decisions. The less influential role of Parliament points to the concentration of power in the President’s Office and the weakening of the system of checks and balances necessary for democracy. 

Thus, the meeting of the presidential faction on September 4 resulted in support for the candidacy of Oleksii Kuleba, another former deputy of Yermak, for the position of deputy prime minister for restoration. Within just one day, the Verkhovna Rada swiftly voted to approve his appointment.

On the same day, the Verkhovna Rada appointed yet another of Yermak’s deputies, Mykola Tochytskyi, to the position of minister of culture and information policy.

Power Concentration Over Constitutional Governance

Before the current reshuffle, one-third of the Ukrainian cabinet consisted of acting officials, which created risks for governance and reflected a deeper personnel crisis. Acting ministers, without official status, lack the full mandate to lead their ministries effectively and are more susceptible to informal influence. Acting officials are often constrained in making independent decisions, forming their own teams, and planning for long-term reforms. This situation reinforced the growing dominance of individuals not formally appointed, leading to an erosion of the constitutional balance of power.

The recent government overhaul, instead of addressing this issue, has made it worse through the appointment of more individuals closely tied to Yermak. Power is now further concentrated around the same circle of individuals dispersed throughout Ukrainian government institutions. The “new” appointees do not come from civil society or other professional quarters outside of the current power structure. Instead, most previously served as Yermak’s deputies, which underscores that loyalty is favored over the search for new, qualified talent.

Some of the personnel changes announced this week appear to be merited, and most involve factors that are unique to individuals and their situations. But several moves in this shakeup appear to advance the President’s Office’s trend toward concentrating the strongest vertical of power in Kyiv through informal relationships at the expense of independent and constitutional governance.