2024 Transatlantic Democracy Working Group Principles

• Democracies can overcome autocracies by drawing from the former’s broad appeal and deep bench of participation, including both wide-ranging coalitions within any given society and a vast and deep-seated network of friends and allies around the world. 

• Autocrats must be countered through democratic rules, norms, and institutions, a process that strengthens rather than undermines those rules, norms, and institutions. Do not become a monster to fight a monster. 

• Authoritarian movements can and do come from both the far left and the far right. It is essential for a broad coalition of the center left and center right to join forces to defend democracy by isolating authoritarian extremists. 

• The US constitution includes several institutions—the Electoral College, a malapportioned Senate, lifetime tenure without term limits for Supreme Court justices, first-past-the-post legislative elections, etc.—that led the pre-democratic world of 1787 into a new era of republicanism, but have since grown into exceptionally outdated impediments to majoritarian democracy. For the first time in US history, partisan minority capture of these institutions is taking hold and threatening to entrench autocratic rule. 

• Preserving, protecting, and defending democracy requires more than even a well-written constitution—a document that must leave ambiguities and is not self-executing. Democracy also needs citizens at all levels of power and across all ideological stripes to uphold the spirit of the constitution through adherence to critical norms. The two most important constitutional norms are (i) mutual toleration of political opponents as legitimate and patriotic rivals who deserve a fair electoral playing field and a turn at governing if they win, and (ii) forbearance or restraint against the full deployment institutional prerogatives in no-holds-barred partisan warfare meant to lock in power and destroy political rivals. 

• When facing homegrown authoritarian movements, although political leaders, law enforcement, policymakers, and allies have critical responsibilities, the most decisive role is often played by civil society. The types of civic actors who have collaborated vigorously at pivotal moments in history to stop rising domestic autocrats include investigative journalists who uncover autocratic efforts, expert analysts who explain and contextualize dangers, media editors and influential figures who frame issues to educate the public, advocates who follow up with reform proposals, activists who rally public action, and ultimately, members of the public who speak out, run for office, march, volunteer, donate, vote, and otherwise participate in the democratic process. 

• Foreign adversaries know that America’s alliances, built upon a common commitment to democracy, are one of our greatest strengths. Hostile powers seek to weaken the United States by dividing us both internally and from our allies, as Russia has already made great efforts to do, through disinformation, corruption, illicit finance, election manipulation, and other tools. For if our allies no longer share our values, they will have little reason to help shoulder the burden of protecting our interests. 

• For decades, the United States has benefited from its commitment to preserving and restoring democracy and liberty in Europe. Together with our freedom-loving allies, we faced and defeated tyrannical adversaries determined to eradicate our way of life. Today, we confront new and resurgent threats. The United States will again need to reliably stand behind and engage with its NATO allies to help counter next-generation autocrats, rogue states, and violent extremists. 

• The NATO Alliance remains one of the most essential bulwarks for liberal democracy. The Alliance is in the crosshairs of those who aim to make the world safer for autocrats. This includes authoritarian powers, such as Russia and China, but also far right and far left groups in democratic countries that wish to undermine from within NATO’s cohesion and deterrent power. 

• Helping Ukraine defend its sovereignty is the most vital national security imperative of our time. Putin’s unprovoked attack meant to kill Ukrainian democracy ranks in strategic importance no lower than Hitler’s invasion of Poland, Soviet domination of Eastern Europe, and the People’s Republic of China’s designs on Taiwan. Upholding rights to self-determination of democracies large and small—including those at the front lines of authoritarian subjugation—lies at the core of the rules-based order that has kept global peace and security since World War II. Only by providing Ukraine the aid that it needs to defend itself—as well as the accountability to ensure that aid reaches the soldiers who need it—can the community of democracies prevent a return a Hobbesian state of anarchy in which empires compete over spheres of influence and resolve disputes at the point of a gun. 

Naturally, we disagree among ourselves on many issues—including immigration, faith, family, and nation. This is as it should be. Respectful debate is the underpinning of a healthy democracy. We agree, however, that only democracy can provide the dynamism necessary to preserve hard-fought freedom, security, and prosperity, let alone tackle the vexing problems of the 21st century.